A
Retrospective on ‘British Army Mutineers, 1914 – 1922’, by Julian Putkowski
At first glance, it must seem
obvious
That as there was no explosion
of mutiny
Until after the conclusion of
conflict,
Then the British Army must
have been,
On the whole, loyal to King
and Country
(Over half of the army were
volunteers);
Admittedly, two hundred and
sixty six men
Were shot for desertion in the
face of the enemy,
But these were acts of
individual insubordination,
Rather than acts of
collective, mutinous solidarity,
And few executions resulted at
the Great War’s end,
(Nothing like the musket balls
in Burford Church,
After the Leveller’s Mutiny in
1649,
Nor the 1797 mutinies at the
Nore and Spithead,
When 29 members of ‘the
floating republic’ were hanged),
But on the other hand…
The necessities of trench line
duty
Prevented the mass meetings
necessary for mutiny,
As opposed to acts of
individual insubordination,
But when troops did get the
chance to meet en masse …
Then sometimes all hell let
loose,
So, who, where, when, what,
why and how?
Over 2,000 men were charged
with mutiny
Between 1914 and 1922
(Only men and other ranks, no
officers;
A staggering 90% found
guilty),
And there were over 300,000
courts martial cases,
With, again, a similar figure
of 90% found guilty:
Officers demanded absolute
discipline,
While diffident Tommies were often
alone in these courts,
Facing a vehement prosecution
…
There were over fifty wartime
mutinies at home,
The major ones being at
Canterbury,
In July 1915 and January 1917,
Towcester, November 1916,
And Bramshott, November 1917;
There were also 5, 739 conscientious
objectors
Who faced charges,
As well as the formation, in
June 1917,
Of a workers’ and soldiers’
council
At, of all places, Tonbridge
Wells:
Ringleaders were posted to
France and elsewhere,
But government spies and
agents provocateurs
Could not prevent the
ubiquitous unrest in 1919,
When army camps were
overwhelmed
By strikes, demonstrations and
protest
At the slow pace of
demobilization;
Special Branch top toff, Sir
Basil Thomson, gloomily intoned
‘I do not think at any time in
history since the Bristol Riots
have we been so near
revolution’,
So worried was he by the
flying of red flags …
But, in the main, motivations
for mutiny
Were about dreadful training
camps and rations
(Wiltshire, 1914 and 1915,
Etaples, 1917),
War weary impatience with demobilization
(Dover, Folkestone, Calais and
India, 1919),
Complaints about mistreatment
and punishment
(Blargies North Prison, 1916),
But even when taking that into
account,
The 1919 mutiny at Poona is an
exemplar,
Of how an ostensible protest
about demobilization
Was, in fact, a pregnant
denotation
About the fragility of Empire,
And its impact upon boss and
worker at home:
Soldiers in India were worried
about their jobs,
If not speedily repatriated;
The top brass in India were
worried that after Amritsar,
There might be insufficient
troops to quell rebellion -
But fighting for King, Country
and Empire
Would be cold comfort if you
lost your job,
A few ‘Homes fit for Heroes’
were not enough,
Strikes, wage cuts and
unemployment
Were just around the corner in
‘Dear Old Blighty’,
And as for Ireland and Empire
…
And as for war against the
Bolsheviks …
He is a tantalising figure, that deserter.
David Adams in his recent book about F.W. Harvey, The Nightmare Trail, writes of direct disobedient action by soldiers in 1919: 'Indeed, such was the discontent among returning soldiers that in January 1919 700 men of the Third Battalion Gloucestershire Regiment refused to parade, drill, train or work, and marched and demonstrated about work, pay and food conditions - part of a nationwide series of strikes and mutinies hidden by the government from the public.'
Question: Was the deserter one of these? He could not have been one of the three men of the Glosters who mutinied at Malvern Wells in 1915 - could he?