The 5 Ws and the H of Chartism
It was a political movement - for the
‘People’s Charter’ -
(‘Universal Suffrage, No Property
Qualification, Annual Parliaments,
Equal Representation, Payment of MPs
and Vote by Ballot’),
With three petitions to parliament in
1839, 42 and 48.
It grew out of disappointment with the 1832 Reform Act,
The national suppression of trades
unions,
The government’s response to the
Captain Swing riots,
The 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act and
the workhouses -
The hated New Poor Law ‘Bastilles’
(Which criminalised poverty with the principle of ‘less eligibility’:
Conditions inside the workhouse
should be worse
Than from the worst paid job outside);
Then there was the workplace:
The unregulated working hours, the
high prices, the low wages,
The unemployment and short time
working,
The loathing of the Benthamite
‘felicific calculus’;
It grew also from eighteenth
century Tom Paineite democratic ideas,
Previous beliefs and practice of the revolutionary
Spenceans,
The memories of Peterloo, the hatred of both Tory and Whig,
But the Chartist preacher,
the Reverend Stephens, asserted:
Chartism is ‘a knife and fork
question …
A bread and cheese question’,
Whilst Richard Gammage, the
contemporary Chartist historian,
Provided the long standing division
of the movement into
‘Moral Force’ and ‘Physical Force’
Chartists.
But why, in particular, was there
such a Chartist presence in Stroud in 1839,
And why was there such a commotion
with the meeting on Selsley Hill?
Well, apart from the generalities of
the above,
Lord John Russell was not only
Stroud’s MP, but also the Home Secretary
And responsible for law, order and
the suppression of Chartism;
He was also partly responsible for
the terms of the 1832 Reform Act,
Which carefully extended the vote to
the middle class
(From the aristocracy),
And deliberately excluded the working
classes -
Even though they had borne the lion’s
share of the campaigning
To bring about an extension of the
franchise;
In addition, areas of declining cloth
trade in the south-west
(Somerset, Wiltshire and
Gloucestershire),
Were just the type of localities that
led women and men to the Charter,
So when the Chartist National
Convention was set up in London
(Partly to influence Parliament with
the First Petition,
Partly to act as an alternative
parliament should the Petition be rejected),
It was no surprise when the JP for
Newport, John Frost,
Was chosen to appear on Rodborough
Hill in March 1839,
As the prospective Chartist
parliamentary candidate
For the next general election,
So as to challenge Russell in a blaze
of national publicity
(Frost’s commission of the peace was
withdrawn from him in March btw);
Meanwhile, the circulation of the Chartist
newspaper the Northern Star
Was reaching 50,000 a week – and its
influence far exceeded that:
Read and discussed in home, the
workplace, the pub, the chapel, the church,
‘Each copy would go through many
hands. Those who could not read would listen as others read to them; and all
could discuss’
(Edward Royle: Chartism);
The National Petition was ready for
Parliament in early May
(Nearly three miles long with nearly
1.3 million signatures);
Mass meetings were held all over the
north in May,
And so
Selsey’s mass meeting of 5,000 in May 1839
Slots nicely
into view and perspective …
The
springtime of 1839 was in some ways the high time for Chartism:
The
Petition was rejected in the summer,
Plans for
a general strike petered out,
Confused
plans for armed insurrection
Such as
Newport, November 1839
(Partly to
try and free Henry Vincent from prison –
He had
been so active in Stroud and the Valleys in the spring),
Only led
to Frost’s transportation,
And by
1840, over 500 Chartists were in jail.
1842 saw
waves of strikes (the ‘Plug Riots’),
But also
widespread use of the telegraph and railways
To speed
troop movements;
The Second
Petition, with a claimed 3.3 million signatures
Was
rejected by parliament,
And the
National Charter Association held the movement together,
As it
developed so many different local strands:
Teetotal
Chartism, Temperance Chartism, Chartist Churches, Chartist Chapels,
The
Chartist Land Cooperative Society,
Groupings
with middle class organisations such as
The
Complete Suffrage Union and the Anti Corn Law League …
The April
of 1848 (‘the Year of Revolutions’)
Saw the
Third Petition and a state of high alarm in London:
Queen Victoria
took refuge in the Isle of Wight,
As
parliament sniggered at some of the nearly 2 million signatures –
‘Victoria
Rex’, ‘Duke of Wellington’ and ‘Mr Punch’ indeed;
But as
Royle points out,
Such names
were often used to conceal identity and reprisal;
Or to laugh
at, gull and guy authority;
And if
some signatures were written in the same hand,
These were
not forgeries,
But
reflected the opinions of the ’30 per cent of society’ who used an X;
‘Other
signatures were dismissed because they were those of women’,
But as
Royle points out:
‘Even if
the … Commons did underestimate the number of petitioners, a figure of around
two million – out of a total
population of seventeen million over the age of ten – remains very impressive.’
And even
though the events of April are usually portrayed as a damp squib,
Riots
continued in the north,
A silent
march of 80,000 took place in London,
Street
fights with the police broke out in the East End,
Information
from police spies and agents provocateurs
Suggested
a metropolitan uprising as a national trigger,
But the
movement declined and then disappeared into history …
A failure.
Or was it?
It gave
the working class confidence and self-belief;
It helped
develop a national political culture
Whilst invigorating local diversities;
It
politicised factory, mill, workshop, smithy, forge, furnace, loom, lathe,
kitchen, bedroom, railway, canal, pub, spinning wheel, club, church, chapel,
mechanics’ institute, evening schools, Sunday schools –
In short,
it helped develop a working class consciousness,
And it
forced the governments of the 1840s to bring in reforms
(Mines
Act, Factory Acts, Public Health Act et al)
That
otherwise would have been delayed.
Post
Script:
Bronterre
O’Brien 1837:
‘Knaves will tell you, that it is because you have no property you are unrepresented. I tell you, on the contrary, it is because you are unrepresented that you have no property.’
‘Knaves will tell you, that it is because you have no property you are unrepresented. I tell you, on the contrary, it is because you are unrepresented that you have no property.’
‘Address
of the Female Political Union of Newcastle-upon-Tyne to their
Fellow-countrywomen’, Northern Star,
9 February 1839:
‘We have
been told that the province of woman is her home, and that the field of
politics should be left to men; this we deny … For years we have struggled to
maintain our homes … greet our husbands after their fatiguing labours. Year
after year have passed away, and even now our wishes have no prospect of being
realised, our husbands are over wrought, our houses half furnished, our
families ill-fed, and our children uneducated … We are a despised caste, our
oppressors are not content with despising our feelings, but demand the control
of our thoughts and wants!’
‘The
Christian Chartist Church’, Chartist
Circular, 29 August 1840;
‘Christian
Chartists! … Let us march triumphantly forward on the sacred way that leads to
civil and religious liberty, equality and happiness. Let us press towards the
glorious goal of Universal Suffrage.’
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